Last night, an Ambazonian called me to show me his impatience. But already it is necessary to specify that, from their point of view, the battle is not partisan, but tribal. They do not say the CPDM, but the Bulu. I took that from them. They do not say the MRC, but the Bamileke. The question was: what is wrong with the Bamileke? It was not what's wrong with the MRC. I say it to clarify what it is, because it is a question of knowing what they will do, the Bamileke, now that Kamto is free. It should already be mentioned that the Bamileke are divided into four regions - the West of course, for those who are French-speaking, the North-West for those who are Anglophone, and of course Lebialem, in the South-West, and the Noun - subregion. Obviously, Lebialem is the space, in the South-West, or what is now called the English-speaking insurrection, has its most imposed structure with Field Marshall who, obviously is Bamileke. You understand that in the constellation of what is called in the country 'the form of the state', the Bamileke have not yet spoken - as Bamileke. But my Ambazonian friend was talking about something else, she was obviously talking about French-speaking Bamileke, who are politicized, but not yet militarized, who want to vote but are still afraid of insurrection. His question was obviously to know when the Bamileke who are politicized - thanks to the MRC, what before him the UFDC had not been able to do, but that the UPC formerly and the Kumze before could do - she wanted to know when the Bamileke would finally join the insurrectionary battle. When in a way, they would articulate their point of view in a military way, in order to be taken seriously as a political force.
Yesterday I was sleepy in front of a video of Dzongang, whose speech had been sent out of prison in patois, and which was better. Mute! This morning, I woke up on this sentence of the same Dzongang, speaking on the balcony of his house: 'What we have won in this fight', he says, 'is the rapprochement with the Ambazonians.' I emphasize: 'what we have won.' This is a sentence that should be repeated, because it follows what I already heard Michèle Ndoki say she speaks of the Nera 10, so the English leadership condemns, in whose head is Sisiku Ayuk Tabe. The context is as follows: the amba-franco alliance is the only one that would give voice to what would reverse the balance of power in Cameroon. France has always opposed it, and the genocide was the consequence: in 1955, between 1960-1970, and today, with the Anglophones, since 2017 so. Here the massacres of the northerners in 1984 do not count, because it was a reminder of their duty of patience to the swing of power that has made them silent since - so silent that even Marafa Hamidou Yaya who was so loquacious after his arrest, s 'are you. The context, I said, is the amba-franco alliance. What is special about Dzongang's words is that he is situated in the lesson I had in Kondengui. Because Kondengui is the school of our future as a people who holds his destiny in his hand, and the Ambazoonians are the teachers. I am indeed going through this school that has awakened my conscience on some things of essential - the primacy of sovereignty, and the centrality of our people. And these are the things that Dzongang said, and above all, that the only way to change in our country is the amba-franco alliance.
The problem, however, and it comes down to what made my friend Ambazon impatient, is that for Dzongang, this alliance will aim to safeguard Cameroon as it is, even if anchored in justice. What he forgets, however, is the relationship of strength that was established on October 1, 2019 in the Noso - and I'm talking about the hundreds of thousands of people who have gone out around the Ambazonian fighters, giving them the legitimacy that they do not have. had not until then visibly, because their seat was obstructed by Bulu propaganda. Bulu propaganda around Mbere's decapitation video can not hide the fact that the English-speaking population is with the Ambazonians who want the independence of their country. There is a certain slowness which is that of consciousness, but my answer to my Ambazonian friend was that the Bamileke never had a political leader, as the Anglophones had one between 1990 and 2005, with John Fru Ndi. A leader therefore who, for the real or the false, would carry the hopes of a people, and whose Left would be made up of radicals who, today, after the SCNC, constituted the Ambazonian insurrection carried by Field Marshall. I also told him that the Bamileke have never had a similar organization to the SCNC, an organization which, without being a political party, carries a specific aspiration of a people to autonomy. The MRC occupies this space in a fussy manner, which is that of the constitution of a leadership of which one can be disappointed, and of a political organization that produces a popular consciousness. The associative space that will have been that of the SCNC among Anglophones is however still free among the Bamileke. In other words, we are not there yet, and it is measurable in the slowness of this Bamileke people to recognize and to recognize even the geography of their voice, and thus to be heard. To take up arms to impose one's voice is another step. The Lebialem is next to - and is Bamileke. To take up arms to impose one's voice is another step. The Lebialem is next to - and is Bamileke. To take up arms to impose one's voice is another step. The Lebialem is next to - and is Bamileke.
Reporter: Patrice Nganang